A periodical issued by Sudan Democracy First Group analyzing the social and political dynamics in Sudan
January 2020
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The loose security situation and the need to evaluate and appraise the performance of the security services and law enforcement tools during the transitional period
Over the past period, a number of Sudanese states have witnessed numerous incidents, ranging from security chaos to cases of tribal and social fighting and attacks on IDPs camps. Where the city of Al-Geneina in West Darfur witnessed a bloody conflict in which the lives of nearly forty citizens were lost in addition to wounding more than sixty according to medical sources. The conflict developed rapidly due to the complexities of the political situation in Darfur, to become closely linked to the civil war that has been fought there since 2003. Especially since the events included attacks on IDPs and their camps. The United Nations Mission (UNAMID) reported that thousands of them were displaced as a result of the attack on the Qiryandak camp and burning it. Likewise, in Port Sudan, in the Red Sea State in eastern Sudan, the tribal conflict has continued sporadically since June last year, killing 9 citizens and wounding nearly 60 as a result of the use of firearms and white weapons by the end of January 3. Several news and information were also received of similar frictions in Kadugli - South Kordofan and other regions of the country, in addition to the chaos in the streets of Khartoum in New Year's celebrations and the complete absence of the role of the police in maintaining security and order. This is to be seen linked with the absence of the role of the traffic police over the course of the past months in organizing traffic, which directly contributed to the ongoing crisis of transportation, as well as the campaigns that were launched against migrants and refugees with violence and excessive arbitrariness, which turned out to have been carried out by the police without reflecting an official direction from the cabinet.
These events, with their various effects, reflect a clear deficit in the ability of the transitional authority’s apparatus to impose the solidity of the state on the basis of the security services in a civilized manner and without causing human rights violations. This may be intentional - especially with the deep state penetration of the security sector - with the aim of shaking confidence in the civil government and suggesting its inability to maintain security and attempting to re-promote military rule in a approach similar to the state of insecurity in Egypt after the January 2011 revolution. This includes the police which the effects of its inaction are the most obvious. This inaction is explained in many circles by the silent crisis between the Minister of the Interior and the Police Director, since the latter outweighs the first in military seniority.  This reflects another manifestation of the lack of firmness and resistance to the concept of military and security apparatus being subject to civilian leadership, and its insistence on implementing semi-independent policies and decisions. On the other hand, the structure of the National Intelligence and Security Service, whose name was changed to the General Intelligence Service, as it was in the era of the defunct regime, despite the high public demands for restructuring, reconfiguration and review of its employees, in order to transform it from an ideological apparatus that has been serving the deposed regime during the past thirty years, to an effective and neutral body working to protect the revolution and civil democratic transformation.
Sudan Democracy First Group clearly recommends the need to start restructuring the security sector in Sudan, including the military, intelligence and police apparatus. This should be done with transparency and wide social participation from all actors with a real interest in change, as an imperative and urgent necessity to ensure stability and move forward in completing the tasks of civil and democratic transformation.
The Visit of the Prime Minister of the Sudanese Transitional Government to Kauda: Extinguishing the Fires of War
8 Jan. 2020
In a historic step, the transitional government in Sudan announced the visit of the Prime Minister: Dr. Abdullah Adam Hamdouk to Kauda on Thursday January 9, 2019. This visit comes as a landmark event for the visit of the most senior government official since the outbreak of the war in South Kordofan and Blue Nile in 2011.

This historic visit, which comes in the wake of a great peaceful revolution that raised the slogan of freedom, peace and justice, opens the door to ending the war and healing the social fabric and rebuilding the national unity between the people of Sudan and building bridges of peace and peaceful coexistence. These brave steps being taken by the officials of the Sudanese transitional government and the leadership of the SPLM deserve to be write with a golden ink in the book of history as it opens a new page in the history of Sudan.

It is high time for the Sudanese people to put the bitter past and the wounds of wars behind them, and start the path for a better future, sheltered with the clouds of peace, and based on equal citizenship rights and the foundations of balanced development and justice.

We, in Sudan Democracy First Group, as we welcome the Prime Minister's visit to Kauda, we hope that this visit will be a prelude to numerous other popular and official visits to all areas of conflict and wars in Sudan.
Sudan Democracy First Group
The government delay in forming the commissions: unjustified deficit or lack of attention to the tasks of the period
The constitutional document that established the current transitional period approved the establishment of a number of independent commissions to perform specific tasks according to the law. Article (3-39) of the document entrusted the tasks of establishing four commissions to be jointly between the Sovereignty Council  and Council of Ministers, which are the peace, border, constitution-making and constitutional conferences, and the Elections Commission, while the Cabinet was granted the tasks of forming seven commissions on its own, namely: the Legal Reform Commission, the Anti-Corruption and Recovery Public funds commission, human rights commission, civil service reform commission, land commission, transitional justice commission, women and gender equality commission in addition to any other commissions that the Council of Ministers deems necessary to form.
Today, after nearly four months have passed since the formation of the transitional authority structures and the government assuming its executive functions, we find that only one commission has been created, which is the Peace Commission. Even on that regards, the independence of the peace commission has been violated by the unconstitutional composition of what has been called the High Peace Council, which is now practicing the tasks of the peace process. This High Peace Council includes all the members of the Sovereign Council, four representatives of the Council of Ministers, in addition to independent experts. The Commissioner of the Peace Commission who is supposed to be heading an independent body was assigned as the Rapporteur of this council, which is headed by General Al-Burhan, President of the Sovereign Council. Something that constitutes a clear constitutional violation.
On the other hand, we find that the delay in creating the rest of the commissions, especially those entrusted to the executive branch, is not justified. Commissions such as the Transitional Justice Commission, the Anti-Corruption Commission, civil service reform and human rights commissions all have urgent and important tasks and will take a considerable period of time that requires expediting their formation. As well, the Constitution Making and the Constitutional Conference Commission has a special importance at this stage, given that making the permanent constitution with the broad participation of all Sudanese is one of the most important duties of the transitional period. The Constitutional Conference should not be dealt with as an one-shot event to be prepared in a month or two and held in a week or days, but rather as an integrated process that includes comprehensive popular and grassroots consultations to ensure including the broadest spectrum of Sudanese views on issues of making a permanent social contract that brings together all Sudanese based on equal citizenship in Post-revolution Sudan. This requires the early formation of the commission in order to give it the widest amount of time to do its work.
If the continued delay in forming the Transitional Legislative Council is justified by the peace process obligations, the delay in the formation of the commissions is an unjustified and indefensible deficit.
Dismantling the Empowerment apparatus and the remnants of the deposed regime: A Step The Right Way

promulgation of the law to dismantle the regime established by the coup of June 30, 1989 and remove empowerment apparatus of the deposed regime last month came to respond to widespread popular demands for the necessity of dismantling the parallel state left by corruption and tyranny that prevailed over 30 years. This law formed a committee and granted it wide powers to eliminate the effects of the empowerment system that the National Conference system pursued over the years of its rule. However, the structural reform tasks remain in the civil service, which is the duty entrusted to the independent commission whose formation has been delayed until now, a deferred duty in order to rebuild the state apparatus in Sudan as a neutral service-providing apparatus aimed at serving citizens without any other influences or biases.
Getting Out of the Maze (Documentary from Democracy First)

Sudan Democracy First Group is republishing the documentary it produced at the beginning of 2018 through its program, The Sudanese Initiative to Combat Extremism, to remind of the need for intellectual and documentary work in the face of the threat of underlying extremism, which constitutes one of the greatest dangers to the achievements of the revolution and one of the entry points to turn around its gains.
Copyright © 2020 Sudan Democracy First Group (SDFG), All rights reserved.

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