Over the past period, a number of Sudanese states have witnessed numerous incidents, ranging from security chaos to cases of tribal and social fighting and attacks on IDPs camps. Where the city of Al-Geneina in West Darfur witnessed a bloody conflict in which the lives of nearly forty citizens were lost in addition to wounding more than sixty according to medical sources. The conflict developed rapidly due to the complexities of the political situation in Darfur, to become closely linked to the civil war that has been fought there since 2003. Especially since the events included attacks on IDPs and their camps. The United Nations Mission (UNAMID) reported that thousands of them were displaced as a result of the attack on the Qiryandak camp and burning it. Likewise, in Port Sudan, in the Red Sea State in eastern Sudan, the tribal conflict has continued sporadically since June last year, killing 9 citizens and wounding nearly 60 as a result of the use of firearms and white weapons by the end of January 3. Several news and information were also received of similar frictions in Kadugli - South Kordofan and other regions of the country, in addition to the chaos in the streets of Khartoum in New Year's celebrations and the complete absence of the role of the police in maintaining security and order. This is to be seen linked with the absence of the role of the traffic police over the course of the past months in organizing traffic, which directly contributed to the ongoing crisis of transportation, as well as the campaigns that were launched against migrants and refugees with violence and excessive arbitrariness, which turned out to have been carried out by the police without reflecting an official direction from the cabinet.
These events, with their various effects, reflect a clear deficit in the ability of the transitional authority’s apparatus to impose the solidity of the state on the basis of the security services in a civilized manner and without causing human rights violations. This may be intentional - especially with the deep state penetration of the security sector - with the aim of shaking confidence in the civil government and suggesting its inability to maintain security and attempting to re-promote military rule in a approach similar to the state of insecurity in Egypt after the January 2011 revolution. This includes the police which the effects of its inaction are the most obvious. This inaction is explained in many circles by the silent crisis between the Minister of the Interior and the Police Director, since the latter outweighs the first in military seniority.  This reflects another manifestation of the lack of firmness and resistance to the concept of military and security apparatus being subject to civilian leadership, and its insistence on implementing semi-independent policies and decisions. On the other hand, the structure of the National Intelligence and Security Service, whose name was changed to the General Intelligence Service, as it was in the era of the defunct regime, despite the high public demands for restructuring, reconfiguration and review of its employees, in order to transform it from an ideological apparatus that has been serving the deposed regime during the past thirty years, to an effective and neutral body working to protect the revolution and civil democratic transformation.
Sudan Democracy First Group clearly recommends the need to start restructuring the security sector in Sudan, including the military, intelligence and police apparatus. This should be done with transparency and wide social participation from all actors with a real interest in change, as an imperative and urgent necessity to ensure stability and move forward in completing the tasks of civil and democratic transformation.